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A Traveller’s Library: Some Notes on the Book Collection of J. F. Usko (1760-1841), Traveller, Orientalist and Lutheran Chaplain at Smyrna

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A Traveller’s Library: Some Notes on the Book Collection of J. F. Usko (1760-1841), Traveller, Orientalist and Lutheran Chaplain at Smyrna


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[This essay is a revised version of a talk given at the conference “The Adventure of Human Curiosity: Travel from Antiquity to Modern Recreation” held at the Onassis Cultural Centre, Athens, on 23 September 2013. I would like to express my warmest thanks to the organizing committee for inviting me to speak at the conference, as well as to Professor Ilia Chatzipanagioti-Sangmeister, for first introducing me to Usko and his travels. The essay presents the preliminary findings of a larger research project on the life, writings and travels of Johann Friedrich Usko. I would like to thank The Scouloudi Foundation, Institute of Historical Research, University of London, for the award a “Small Grant in Aid of Research”, which made much of the archival research presented here possible.]

1.2 
To some kind of men it is an extraordinary delight to study, to looke vpon a Geographicall mappe, and to behold, as it were, all the remote Provinces, Townes, Citties of the world, and never to goe forth of the limits of his study.
Robert Burton, 1621
[1]

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On Friday, March 18, 1842 a notice was placed in The Times announcing the beginning of a six-day sale of a private library to be held by “Mr Hodgson at his great Room, 192, Fleet Street, corner of Chancery Lane.” The library, consisting mainly of “Divinity and Oriental Literature”, had been the property of the late “Rev.John Frederick Usko, Rector of Orsett, Essex, and formerly Chaplain at Smyrna” and was now put up for auction by “order of the Executor.” [2] The sales catalogue, which had begun circulating about five weeks prior to the auction, listed 1,916 lots, amounting to an estimated 5,500 titles: this was a substantial library, particularly rich in early printed Bibles, “lexicons, dictionaries and grammars, oriental manuscripts and printed books” as well as books on English and German philosophy, history, geography and travel.[3]

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The sale of the Reverend’s library came just over a month after the dispersal of his household furniture and goods, which were auctioned at “the Rectory House, Orsett” by the local firm of William Jeffries, on January 25-27, 1842.The brief notice that was placed in the Essex Standard, and General Advertiser for the Eastern Counties on January 21, 1842 lists some of the most precious objects that made up the rector’s comfortable household: “lofty mahogany 4-post and other bedsteads … Turkey and Brussel carpets … a grand piano-forte … several German clocks in good repair … capital chest of drawers, mahogany secretary bookcase” and “a pair of full size globes”, [4] commonly used to “adorn the Libraries of the Curious.” [5]

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More than expensive decorative objects that supplied the standard furnishings in a gentleman’s library, status symbols that designated rank and wealth, the globes we find at Usko’s rectory were scientific instruments, designed to be used together with maps and books of travel and geography. We may, then, imagine the late incumbent in his library, retracing his steps through many “remote Provinces, Townes, Cities of the world”: for he was a man whose curiosity had taken him far beyond the limits of his private study. He had set out from his native Prussia at the age of twenty three, taken up a ministerial post in the Ottoman city of Smyrna and spent the greatest part of the next eleven years travelling: in his own words, he “traversed six times Mount Lebanon in different directions”, examined the “difficult entrance of the river Nile described by Homer”, descended “the famous grotto of Antiparos”, saw “the delightful environs of Damietta”, crossed “the dreary desert of Arabia”, beheld “Palmyra and its surprising and remarkable ruins”.[6] His boat had been captured by pirates in the Adriatic; he had been held prisoner of war in Corfu; he had narrowly escaped with his life in Arabia.[7] And meanwhile, he never stopped studying: “in Constantinople … I continued to study more closely the Turkish language”; “in Ispahan … I studied more exactly the true Persian language”; “in Bagdad … I studied under a Persian master, who knew the Arabic well”; “in Mecca … I studied … the Arabic language … under the direction of a very able master … a man of excellent character and profound knowledge”; “in Bassora … [I] remained some time, continuing my study of the Persian language, and especially reading their difficult manuscripts, under a Persian master”.[8]

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Read together with the narrative of Usko’s travels, the auction catalogue of his private library reveals a man whose thirst for adventure went hand in hand with his thirst for scholarship and knowledge. In this paper, I would like to offer a biographical sketch of this virtually unknown traveller-scholar of the age of the Enlightenment, guided by the books lining the walls of his study. To this end, I will isolate a series of titles from Usko’s collection and examine them in relation to three documents that he wrote during his sojourn in Smyrna: a letter to his employers in Prussia, asking for books to be sent out to him in his new post (1784); an application to the Palestine Association, to serve as an explorer of Syria and Palestine under the Association’s auspices (1806); and an official request to the council o f the Levant Company, asking for books to restock the Library of the Levant Factory (1805). Taken together, these documents give us a rare insight into the working principles behind a traveller’s library.

The Traveller: J. F. Usko (1760-1841)


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I fancy … tidings of Wilbraham, whom his friends thought lost, are arrived in England … dated from Ispahan. What an interesting new tour he has made at last! I long to see him and compare notes. He is in company with a man I knew at Smyrna—a respectable, informed man, minister, I think, of the Swedish Lutheran Church, and speaking, with five or six other languages, Arabian and Persian. This man had already travelled on foot through great part of the country, and was capable of making his way through any hardship.
John Morritt, 1796
[9]

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Johann Friedrich Usko, the “respectable, informed man” Morritt alludes to in this letter, was thirty-six years old when he accompanied Randle Wilbraham in his tour of Persia. He was born in the small town of Lyck in East Prussia (modern-day Elk, in Poland) in 1760. At the age of eighteen he moved to the nearby city of Königsberg, to enroll at the Albertus Universität, one of Prussia’s oldest Protestant Universities and alma mater of Immanuel Kant’s. He attended classes at the faculty of theology, graduating in 1781.[10] Usko studied at Königsberg at a time when Kant was full professor of logic and metaphysics (1770), served as dean of the school of philosophy and was elected as one of the Academic Senate’s permanent members (1780).[11] Usko’s private library indicates a deep interest in the works of the German philosopher, as it includes many of Kant’s writings, especially those on logic and metaphysics (lots 187, 338, 742, 821-825, 1098, 1374), as well as translations of Kant’s works in other European languages dating down to 1836 (lot 1109).

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Two years after his graduation, and while working as a tutor in Königsberg’s Collegium Fridericianum , Usko was offered the position of chaplain to the German Lutheran community at the Ottoman port city of Smyrna. He took up his post in August 1783 and was to remain in Smyrna for the next 24 years, serving successively the German (1783-1807), English (1798-1807) and Dutch (1801-1807) communities in the city.[12]

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Like many other Europeans who took up ministerial posts in the Levant, Usko used his time in the East to satisfy his desire to travel: between 1789 and 1800 he was frequently away from Smyrna, on a series of long, adventurous, voyages which took him to the Greek mainland and the islands of the Greek archipelago; Constantinople and the coast of Asia Minor; Cyprus, Egypt, Syria and Palestine; the Arabian Peninsula, and Persia. During his travels he took the opportunity of buying Oriental manuscripts and collecting archaeological fragments, which were later deposited in private and public collections in Europe.[13] In the cosmopolitan city of Smyrna he also developed his prodigious linguistic talents: in addition to several modern European languages (German and Polish, French, English, Dutch, Italian and Modern Greek) he knew classical Greek and Latin, as well as Turkish, Hebrew, Persian, Syrian, Arabic, and Chaldaic. By the time he arrived in England in 1807, he had earned a wide reputation as an inveterate traveller, a formidable linguist and a serious Orientalist.[14] These attributes secured him the powerful patronage of Beilby Porteus, Lord Bishop of London, who offered Usko a valuable living in his diocese, thus ensuring that his protégé could enjoy stable employment and a life free of financial constraints, devoted to the study and elucidation of the Holy Scriptures.[15]

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After his arrival to England Usko became involved with the work of the British and Foreign Bible Society, supervising the translation of the New Testament in Italian published in 1808 (lot 672) [16] and Greek, published in 1810 (lot 714).[17] He also advised on the Turkish, Syriac and Arabic translations (lots 558, 559, 1251, 1541). Finally, in 1814 he edited a posthumous publication by the oriental scholar Elizabeth Smith, A Vocabulary Hebrew Arabic and Persian , to which he added his “Praxis on the Arabic Alphabet” (lot 1434).[18]

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Usko’s explorations of the Near and Middle East were now behind him but his travels did not stop entirely. Evidence emerging from his private correspondence, as well as the appearance of a considerable number of British and European city guides in his library shelves, attest to travels in the British Isles, France, Italy and Germany, all undertaken after his institution to a parochial English rectory.[19]

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Although an extremely keen traveller, Usko was a rather reluctant travel-writer. The only full account of his extensive travels that survives in his own words is a slim pamphlet, entitled A Brief Narrative of the Travels and Literary Life of the Reverend J. F. Usko , which was printed privately in London in 1808.[20] As a travel text, it makes for rather disappointing reading: Usko’s explorations and adventures are given in an extremely condensed form and are presented more or less as a straightforward itinerary of the places the author visited during his travels.[21] In addition, his own manuscripts and the majority of his letters are now presumed lost. Among the few traces left to the modern scholar who wishes to piece together a fuller picture of the life and times of this interesting eighteenth century traveller is the auction catalogue of his library, to which I will now turn.

“Divinity and Oriental Literature”: The Catalogue of Usko’s Library


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By no means all of the most important purchases are made on the premises of a dealer. Catalogues play a far greater part. … Anyone who buys from catalogues must have flair … Dates, place names, formats, previous owners, bindings, and the like: all these details must tell him something—not as dry, isolated facts, but as a harmonious whole; from the quality and intensity of this harmony he must be able to recognize whether a book is for him or not.
Walter Benjamin [22]


3.2 
The catalogue of Usko’s library was compiled by the auctioneering firm of Hodgson.[23] Following the standard conventions of the period, the catalogue classifies material under format and only records the most basic information about each entry: author, title, date of publication. Occasionally details of the binding and condition of a book are also recorded but illustrations, maps and plans included in the volumes are mentioned less frequently. Like most auction catalogues, it is also full of lacunae: one would wish to know more, for example, about the “36 odd volumes” and “36 ditto” (lots 66, 67); the “Oriental documents and passports. A parcel” (lot 1733); the “Cuttings from Newspapers. A curious volume” (lot 1569); “Usko’s Commonplace Book. MS” (lot 1735); or the contents of the “Eight boxes and trunks” (lot 1914) and the “Ten hampers” (lot 1916) which were auctioned during the final day of the sale.[24]

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Despite any shortcomings, however, the Hodgson catalogue remains an extremely important relic, as it captures the collection of a relatively unknown, but widely travelled, oriental scholar just before its dissolution and eventual dispersal. Reading through it we can discern a lifetime of collecting books, beginning with Usko’s years as a student in Prussia and ending just a year before his death. Textbooks that Usko used at Königsberg, as well as books for which he subscribed while a student, were still in his possession in 1841 (see for example lots 1111, 1782 and 1870). The predominance of good, multilingual editions of classical Greek and Latin authors testifies to his wide humanistic training; his theological training, on the other hand, is reflected in the abundance of religious works, tracts, sermons and works of the Church Fathers. His bibliophilic tendencies, combined with his theological interests, are evident in his substantial collection of early printed Bibles, whereas by far the largest section of the library is devoted to works of oriental scholarship. Among his collection we also find a great number of travel and geography books, principally focusing on areas where Usko himself had lived, worked and travelled. Finally, Persian, Turkish and Arabic manuscripts (lots 1690, 1701, 1702, 1716-1718, 1721, 1736 and 1755) and printed volumes (lots 1723, 1724, 1727, 1740-1754) make up a small, but very important, section of the library.

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In his own Narrative , Usko records the pleasure he derived from visiting monastic libraries and “admiring the beautiful type of their printed books”; he also tells us that during his stay in Isfahan he “purchased the best Persian manuscripts, historical as well as poetical”, which he later “deposited in the Royal Library in Berlin”.[25] Some of these manuscripts had travelled with him to Königsberg in 1799, when he visited his former students, university friends and professors, including the now aged Immanuel Kant. As something of a local celebrity, Usko was a frequent dinner guest in the houses of the various dignitaries and entertained the assembled parties by talking about his voyages, displaying Persian miniatures and reading aloud Persian poetry.[26] He also advised on editorial and linguistic matters respecting Turkish manuscripts.[27] Indeed, it seems that by that stage he had satisfied an ardent desire that had originally set him out on his travels: “Nikolovius showed me a letter that has arrived from the Reverend Usko in Smyrna”, records Christian Puttlich, one of Usko’s former pupils, in his diary in 1784, “he writes that he is about to set out for Arabia, to fulfill his great desire to seek out Arabic manuscripts.” [28]

“Doch will er darüber nicht klagen …”: The Letter to the Evangelical Council at Gdansk


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Causabon’s edition of Strabo, reprinted in Amsterdam (1707) was found by good fortune among my grandfather’s books … such editions were then unheard of in Smyrna.
Adamantios Koraes
[29]

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When Usko first arrived in Smyrna, in August 1783, he was twenty three years old, an aspiring Orientalist who had never travelled outside of East Prussia, or about a hundred kilometers away from home. We would expect, then, his first letters from the East to contain some expression of cultural shock upon the initial encounter with a civilization he had so far only known from the safety of a Königsberg library.[30] But the greatest shock that seems to have confronted him upon arrival in Smyrna was his meeting with his own countrymen. In a letter that Usko wrote to his employers, the Council of the Evangelical Church at Danzig, Usko mentions his dismay at the illiteracy of his flock: young children between the ages of nine and eleven are not able to read; a schoolteacher, who had come to Smyrna from Astrakhan, was a drunk and classes were never held. The situation in their homes in no better: their mothers cannot read and their fathers seem entirely uninterested in their children’s education. The people who make up his congregation might be good, upright, friendly folk, but in their company Usko feels lonely and isolated; he is too poor to take part in the leisurely country pursuits of the other Europeans; in short, resources for society and instruction in Smyrna are limited.[31] “But he will not complain about it”, he writes to the Council, “if only they could send him some scholarly books”: Basedow’s Kupferstiche , works by Weisse, Campe and Raff, as well as works on the manners and customs of the Eastern peoples, on the Arabic language, on natural sciences and on philosophy.[32]

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Usko’s request was firmly denied, the young pastor was severely reprimanded for his impertinence, and the books he asked for never reached Smyrna.[33] The request, however, allows us to observe Usko’s profound intellectual isolation, which he attempts to alleviate through serious study of scholarly works on the humanistic disciplines he had studied at Königsberg, as well as through a rigorous and dynamic revision of the (admittedly, nonexistent) school curriculum. He names four of the most prominent leading German educationalists, whose works we can also trace in Usko’s private library (e.g.lots 660, 154, 670): the educational reformer Joachim Basedow; [34] the educationalist and linguist Joachim Heinrich Campe; [35] Christian Felix Weisse, who is considered the founder of German children’s literature and one of the leading representatives of the German Enlightenment; [36] and Georg Christian Raff, author of books on geography and the natural sciences for young learners.[37] With his choice of these authors Usko positions himself firmly within the context of Enlightenment thinking and indicates his allegiance with the movement for German educational reform, which was put forth by Basedow and his followers and was actively supported by Immanuel Kant.[38]

4.4 
Usko’s verdict on the deplorable state of his countrymen’s education, as well as on the shortcomings of Smyrniote society, form an interesting parallel to the words of one of his contemporaries, the Greek scholar Adamantios Koraes. Recalling his youth and early education Koraes begins by stressing the inadequate cultural and intellectual life of his native Smyrna and then records an encounter that brought about a change in his fortunes: his meeting with Bernard Keun, a highly erudite member of the Levantine community.[39] “The priest who officiated in the Dutch Chapel”, Koraes writes,
was a wise, benevolent man, Bernard Keun. … He was so kindly predisposed towards me that he invited me to accompany him during his walks, taught me through conversing with me, lent me famous Latin authors and frequently left me by myself in his private library, when he was obliged to be away from home.[40]
In the case of Adamantios Koraes, Keun’s library and enlightened friendship became instrumental in galvanizing the young Greek’s desire to travel to Europe, where he was to receive the education he had wished for and to become the most prominent intellectual of the Greek Enlightenment. In the case of Johann Usko, on the other hand, Bernard Keun’s substantial library and warm companionship contributed to the young Prussian feeling more at home in Smyrna. In his subsequent letters to his employers, Usko excuses himself for his previous outburst and indicates that he is now much happier, since he has met the pastor of the Dutch community, an eminent, respectable and highly educated man, who shared Usko’s deep interest and passion for the arts and sciences.[41] Keun and Usko were bound by a strong and long-lasting friendship, which only ended with the older man’s death in 1801. Bernard Keun became Usko’s mentor and showed his regard for the younger man in a highly practical manner: he took over Usko’s congregation, intermittently for 11 years, to give the aspiring Orientalist the time and leisure he needed in order to travel and explore the Middle East.[42]

“A good key to his Enquiry”: Instructions for travellers


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Since it is almost impossible to perform anything without preparation, it is indispensably necessary for a young gentleman, who desires to travel … to lay in a certain stock of fundamental knowledge, before he undertakes the difficult task of travelling to real advantage.
Leopold Bertchold, 1789
[43]

5.2 
Bertchold’s Essay to Direct and Extend the Inquiries of Patriotic Travellers (lot 1039) is one of the last works of the genre of the ars apodemica , the methodizing of travel, which developed in Europe in the sixteenth century and flourished until the end of the eighteenth.[44] The ars apodemica “codified the cultural patterns of travelling” and offered its practitioners a systematic way of seeing the world as well as a structured way of noting their observations.[45] These methodological works stressed the crucial distinction between true travel ( peregrinari) and aimless wandering ( vagari) , insisting on the usefulness of the first and the purposelessness of the second.[46] Within this context the true traveller was made fully aware of the moral and educational implications of his activity and the acquisition of “a certain stock of fundamental knowledge” before a journey, as Bertchold puts it, was instrumental in furthering his goals.“Without knowledge”, insists Thomas Palmer, one of the early exponents of the apodemic tradition, travel “cannot be performed well” and the traveller, upon his return, “cometh back like a bodie to a grave without a soule.” [47] Extensive preparation before a voyage, as well as continuous reading while travelling, are constantly advised: travelers should “furnish themselves with the best writers of those parts of the world, where they intend to go, either to instruct them about those places before they go, or to carry with them”, writes Edward Leigh, in his Gentleman’ Guide , and goes on to provide travelers with a bibliography of apodemic writings (pp. 1-2) and an extensive list of works they should consult, beginning with the itineraries of the Apostles, continuing with compendia of voyages like Hakluyt’s and Purchas’s and ending with a ten-page bibliography of travel accounts (pp. 17-26).[48] The philosopher Francis Bacon agrees: a young man setting out to travel should “carry with him also some card or book, describing the Countrey where he Travelleth , which will be a good key to his Enquiry”.[49]

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A fuller discussion of the ars apodemica lies outside the scope of this essay. However, it is important to note here two of its underlying assumptions: firstly, that people who set out to travel have both the leisure and the financial resources that would allow them to be away from home for long periods of time; and secondly, that they also have relatively easy access to up-to-date information—the most accurate maps, the most recent geographical books, the best travel accounts, the most complete and up to date itineraries. The overriding assumption is that travellers are men of leisure, who will begin their journey from somewhere in Western Europe and thus be able to prepare for their travels within close proximity to the various thriving European centers of book and print production.

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The history of European travel is full of examples of such men, but it is also full of exceptions—and Usko is one of them: he is an educated European, who comes out of the context of the ars apodemica , but is obliged to work for a living; he is a European long-term resident abroad, who begins his journeys from somewhere other than Western Europe. How is he, then, to participate in the relatively small, and still rather exclusive, community of “true” travelers? This is the underlying question he poses in his application for sponsorship to the Palestine Association, the document I will consider next.

“Supposing my plan was to be approved …” : The Letter to the Palestine Association


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ordinary travelers provided with a knowledge of what is wanted might in time contribute much valuable information; but … our main reliance must be placed within the selection of proper persons for this express purpose.
The Palestine Association, 1805
[51]

6.2 
By 1805 Usko had already undertaken most of his travels to the East. Bernard Keun had died in 1801 and this meant that Usko was now the main Protestant minister at Smyrna and could not be absent from the city as frequently as before. Although much more restricted in his movements, however, Usko was still actively looking for opportunities to go exploring again. One such opportunity presented itself in the form of a pamphlet published by the Palestine Association.[52] This was a scholarly society, set up by Sir William Hamilton in London in March 1805; its founding members included the traveller John Hawkins and the Levant Company merchant Edward Lee, both of whom knew Usko well and could have alerted him to its foundation.

6.3 
The Palestine Association was set up with the expressed purpose of “promoting biblical and historical knowledge” and believed “that notwithstanding the learned and laborious compilations of Adricomius, Ravanelli, Cellarius, Fuller, and Lightfoot, and the more recent details of Calmet, Michaelis, Wells, Harmer, Bachiene, and Ysbrabd van Hamersveld, many of the most important points are still left unexamined”; it therefore proposed sending out to Syria and Palestine “a number of proper persons” rather than “ordinary travelers” to help it achieve its intended purpose.[53] This distinction, between “proper” and “ordinary” travellers, carries echoes of the ars apodemica --echoes which become more resonant in the long list of points that the traveller should observe (ranging from “astronomical observations” to “observations relative to the geography and topography”, the “process of agriculture” and “a list of all the natural productions”); the implied list of prerequisite knowledge that he should have in order to be able “to compose a meteorological journal … make accurate drawings … write in Arabic and English characters the name of every town, village, river, mountain … form an ample collection of inscriptions, manuscripts and medals” and “detect the errors of former travelers”; and, finally, the way he should frame his observations upon return, “studiously to avoid all possibility of exciting a suspicion that we have other ends to serve rather than the mere promotion of biblical and historical knowledge.” [54]

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Putting himself forward as a potential explorer of Syria and Palestine, in his letter Usko emphasizes the three main attributes that would be of interest to the Society: his linguistic skills, his substantial experience of travel to the Holy Land and his familiarity with the manners and customs of its inhabitants. In his own words,
I know the common Arabic language and the Scriptural one … I am accustomed to the manner of living in that country, because I have travelled twice over it, from Damascus to Jerusalem and Bethlehem, and from Jaffa to Jerusalem, Nazareth [and] Jordan … and I have already undertaken many perilous travels, to Nineveh (Mosul), Babylon; Persepolis; Palmyra; Syria; Palestine; and Egypt.[55]
His letter suggests that it is neither the unfamiliarity of the language, nor of the environment, nor the dangers of the voyage that Usko is mostly concerned about: he has “travelled twice” in the area and will thus be able to take down all the notes the Society ask for; he knows “the common Arabic language and the Scriptural one”, so he will be able to converse with the local population, as well as note the “names of towns, rivers and mountains” in English and Arabic. Two are the main obstacles that he envisages, however, and both are of a practical kind.“The greatest difficulty”, he writes, “would be in my present situation, namely, that I could not leave my Community without having some other Protestant Clergyman in my place.” [56] And, “(supposing my plan was to be approved)”, he continues, the second, and equally crucial, difficulty, would be
to procure those Books that are requisite for further Researches, p. ex. the Geographical Books I have got here in my possession: Relandi Palestina ; Bochart, Phaleg & Canaan ; Büsching’s Geography of Palestine ; besides Strabo and Cellarius; Shaw’s travels; Harmer in a German translation. But I want Wells; Bachiene; Michaelis; Harmer in English; Calmet; Ysbrand van Hamersveld: Geographers mentioned in the printed exposition of the Palestine Association.[57]


6.5 
It is worth taking a moment to look closely at the list of authors mentioned by the Palestine Association and augmented by Usko and to observe that in both cases travel accounts play only a secondary role.Early travel books on Palestine, wrote Edward Robertson in his Biblical Researches “only repeat each other and are of little value; as is also the case with many of the more modern books of travels.” [58] Sacred geography was mostly written by men who were biblical scholars of immense erudition but had never travelled to Palestine themselves: like the Dutch priest Christianus Adrichomius, whose work Theatrum Terrae Sanctae includes a geography of the Holy Land, an account of Jerusalem and maps of Jerusalem and Palestine, and was first published posthumously in 1590, with further editions appearing frequently between 1593 and 1722; [59] the historian Christoph Keller, or Cellarius, whose Geographia Antiqua was published in 1774 and was richly illustrated with maps of the ancient world; [60] the English scholar and preacher Thomas Fuller, whose A Pisgah-Sight of Palestine came out in 1650 and contains maps of the Holy Land and other regions; [61] the British Hebraist John Lightfoot, author of several biblical studies, whose Opera Omnia was published in Rotterdam in 1686; [62] the French professor of philosophy, Hebrew and theology Augustine Antoine Calmet, whose Dictionary of the Bible was first published in four volumes between 1720 and 1724; [63] the English mathematician and divine Edward Wells, who published a Historical Geography of the New Testament in 1708 and A Historical Geography of the Old Testament in 1712; [64] the Dutch preacher and astronomer Willem Albert Bachiene, who published a number of Biblical maps between 1747 and 1774; Ysbrad van Hamersveld, whose work on the Bible had been published in Amsterdam relatively recently, in 1790; and, finally, the German Orientalist Johann David Michaelis, who had produced a multi-volume, extensively annotated translation of the New Testament between 1769 and 1785 using material gleaned from the Danish explorer Carsten Niebuhr, the sole survivor of the expedition to Arabia (1761-1767) which was hailed as the model of Enlightened Oriental travel.[65]

6.6 
Usko, in turn, inserts a number of other authors to this list, gently pointing the Association to some of the most important texts on Biblical Geography which they had left out and thus making an added case for himself as a “proper person” fit to undertake their “expressed purpose.” His additions indicate that, although presently located in the periphery, he still has a good knowledge of the required literature.He includes Adrian Reland, whose Palestina ex Monumentis veteribus illustrata (1714; lot 590) was considered the standard classic work on Palestine, and remained unsurpassed until the late nineteenth century; [66] the Protestant Orientalist Samuel Bochart, a scholar whose authority and erudition were greatly admired during the seventeenth and eighteenth c enturies: he was the author of the Geographia Sacra (1646; lot 1893), a geographical atlas of the Holy Land and the places visited by the Apostles; [67] Büsching’s Erdbeschreibung (1788, 1792; lots 37, 1164), which includes a section on Palestine, and which was considered to be one of the best contemporary treatises on the modern geography of the area; [68] the ancient geographer Strabo (1707; lot 1896); and the only traveller that appears in the list, the chaplain Thomas Shaw, who had travelled to Palestine during his 13 year residence in the Levant and whose Travels or Observations Relating to several parts of Barbary and the Levant (1738; lot 240) is notable for the “judicious and valuable” information the author imparts on the antiquities, geology and geography of the areas he visited.[69]

6.7 
Once more, Usko’s application was turned down and the books he asked for were never sent out to him in Smyrna. He purchased the majority of them at a later date, however, especially the works of Michaelis (lots 246, 247, 248, 930, 1304, 1604, 1683, 1841), and we find many of the authors mentioned by the Palestine Association in his library catalogue of 1842, now greatly augmented by a number of important works that had come out between 1810 and 1840.

6.8 
In the letter sent to the Palestine Association we also find the very few books from Usko’s significant collection whose provenance we can trace with some certainty. These had come to him as a bequest from his old friend and mentor Bernard Keun, who left the remains of his valuable library, which included the works of Reland, Bochart and Strabo mentioned above, to his “dear and esteemed colleague” as “a token of friendship and respect” in the codicil to his will, dated Smyrna October 1801.[70]

“Of use to some instructed traveller”: The Letter to the Levant Company


7.1 
‘At last we got there. The Schloss … stood in a clump of trees. Only a few windows were lit. … I found Baron Schey in his library in a leather armchair and slippers reading Marcel Proust.’
***
The house had the charm of a large and rambling rectory occupied by a long line of bookish and well-to-do incumbents torn between rival passions for field sports and their libraries. … Except for his own bedroom and a couple of others in case friends turned up and the delightful library where I had found him, most of the rooms had been shut up.
The library was so crammed that most of the panelling was hidden and the books, in German and French and English, had overflowed in neat piles on the floor. … On the evening I arrived, Sari laid dinner on a folding table in the library. When it was cleared away, we went back to the armchairs and the books with our brandy glasses and, undeterred by a clock striking midnight somewhere in the house, talked until nearly one of clock.
Patrick Leigh Fermor, 1933/1977
[71]

7.2 
In A Time of Gifts , one of the most celebrated travel books of the twentieth century, the mature Patrick Leigh Fermor (writing in the 1970s) remembers his younger self (travelling in the 1930s). In this passage we hear both voices, the older following the younger, the distance in time indicated by the quotation marks in the first section and the three asterisks dividing the two. The younger voice comes across as firmly rooted in time and place; the retelling, however, oscillates constantly between Central Europe and England, between a space travelled through and home. The “Schloss” is now likened to “a large and rambling rectory”; the “Baron” to a “Whig aristocrat” or one in a “long line of bookish … incumbents”; the “clump of trees” to a “well-wooded shire.” The library becomes “delightful” and the lone host is now joined by the welcome traveller: a second armchair appears on the scene and conversation takes the place of solitary reading. The library appears as one of the few rooms in the dark house that is lit, open, and thus alive: it is the place where sustenance, both literal (food and drink) and metaphorical (books and conversation) is offered to the traveller. The centrepiece of this passage, the library is the pulsating heart of this home away from home.

7.3 
Usko’s attempt to create a home away from home—a home housed in a library—is the subject of the final section of this essay. To this end, I will look at an official request that he made to the Council of the Levant factory in London, for books to restock the Factory’s Library which had been completely destroyed by fire in 1797.[72]

7.4 
In his request to the council of the Levant Company, Usko proposes a long list of books and submits an accompanying letter in which he underlines the books that are “most necessary and are more requested for the present than the rest.” [73] He divides the list into a number of large thematic categories, beginning with general and encyclopedic works, moving on to “Sermons”, “History”, “Philosophy and Miscellanies”, “Some Fathers of the Church”, “Greek and Latin authors”, “Some Latin Authors in usum Delfini ” and closes with the request for “Some Maps.” It becomes obvious from his accompanying letter that he wants to lay the foundations of a growing library: to bring to Smyrna a core collection of books that will be enlarged “by degrees” through “private contributions and gifts of the Gentlemen of the Factory”.[74]

7.5 
Usko begins by asking for specialized texts that are indispensable for the day-to-day ministerial functions of a clergyman--sermons, Bibles, biblical commentaries and texts by the Church Fathers—as well as religious texts for use in the Divine service (“La Ste. Bible par Osterwald in folio (NB to be employed at the Divine Service)”; “Companion to the Altar. 25 Ex.”).[75] He also asks for the Quran in George Sale’s celebrated translation, [76] works on philosophy (most notably those of Francis Bacon, David Hume and Leibnitz), science (Sir Isaac Newton) and history (a section which not only includes Gibbon on the Roman Empire and Hume’s History of England but also Abbè Barthelemy’s immensely popular, fictitious travel account Voyage de jeune Anacharsis en Grèce (1788)).[77] But it is when we look at the various titles of the “Latin and especially Greek Authors” that he proposes, that we begin to understand more fully the multiple uses that he intents the library to have. “The best translations in English and French”, he writes, will be of great use to members of the factory and other Smyrna residents, “who would be able to gain some useful instruction in their leisure hours, or during the plague, being shut up in town or in the country.” The classics in their original language, on the other hand, would be “necessary and very useful not only for a clergyman, but also for some instructed traveller, who comes in this country, which was once the seat of the sciences … [and] to read them as it were on their native ground increases the interest and importance of what they contain.” [78]

7.6 
Looking through Usko’s list we can isolate a few representative cases, which allow us to observe the working principles behind his selections.The Greek traveller and geographer Pausanias, for example, makes an appearance twice: the “instructed traveller” could read him in Greek and Latin, either in the 1696 Leipzig edition by the leading Hellenist Joachim Kuhn [79] or in the earlier, 1583 Frankfurt edition, by Xylander, which had been reprinted in Hamburg in 1613.[80] The Smyrna factor, on the other hand, could consult a recent English translation by Charles Taylor, [81] which, although “very hasty, [and] of average quality, sold well.” [82]

7.7 
The same applies to the Greek historian Herodotus: Usko underlines an edition in Greek and Latin published in 1759-61 by the Glasgow firm of Foulis, [83] as well as a recent, and extremely highly regarded, English translation by the Reverend Beloe.[84] For both travelers and residents alike Usko then proposes a book which can be read alongside Herodotus’ original text and Beloe’s English translation: this is The Geographical System of Herodotus (lot 1796), by the English geographer and surveyor James Rennell, a work which was immediately hailed for its erudition, became the standard accompanying text to Beloe’s translation of Herodotus, and was, in fact, used by Beloe himself in his revisions for the second edition of his translation.[85] Two geographical dictionaries, The Bibliotheca Classica, or a classical dictionary of proper names mentioned in classical authors ; [86] and A New Dictionary of Ancient Geography , by Charles Pye, [87] could offer guidance with the collation of modern and ancient names that readers would encounter. Finally, in D’ Anville’s Complete Body of Ancient Geography , the readers could have the most highly regarded contemporary maps by the celebrated French cartographer, whose maps of the ancient world were based on descriptions given by the ancient authors.[88]

7.8 
The English translations of Pausanias and Herodotus, as well as most works of the “modern English and French authors” that Usko proposes, are included in a section called “Philosophy and Miscellanies”. This also includes the contemporary travel and geography books that Usko chooses for the Smyrna library. Here, again, his choices are telling.If, in the Voyage of the Young Anacharsis , the readers could find a “vast panorama of ancient Greece” in a work “which rendered a distant world more palpable and vivid” [89] , in Pierre Augustin Guys’s Voyage littéraire de La Grèce (1771), the readers could turn to the contemporary Greeks, and read “that their customs and traditions embodied the virtues of the ancients”.[90] Two further philhellenic works, William Eton’s the Survey of the Turkish Empire , [91] and James Dallaway’s Constantinople [92] could offer erudite and well argued statements on the cause for Greek independence--and, true to the tenets of an Enlightenment library, which should offer a well-rounded, varied perspective, they could then turn to “one of only two books of any consequence which attacked the philhellenic traditions of the time”, Cornelius de Pauw’s Recherches Philosophiques sur les Grecs .[93]

7.9 
Finally, Usko also asks for five expensive, lavishly illustrated, and immensely highly regarded works by contemporary travelers.These are Chandler’s Ionian Antiquities (lot 1531), the result of the first Ionian mission of the Society of Dilettanti, undertaken in 1764-1766 [94] ; Chandler’s Inscriptiones Antiquae (lot 1592), published in 1774, also the result of the author’s travels to Asia Minor on behalf of the Society of Dilletanti [95] ; Stuart and Revett’s Antiquities of Athens , a monumental folio, the first book to depict the Athenian monuments in accurately measured drawings [96] ; Norden’s Antiquities of Egypt (lot 1498), a grand folio of 162 plates drawn on the spot [97] and Denon’s equally important work, Voyages dans la Basse et la haute Egypte , which included 108 plates of the Egyptian monuments.[98]

7.10 
With these choices, Usko reveals his preference for works which are part of an attempt for “clarity, reliability and precision”; for the “proto archaeological folios” which “placed emphasis on objective analysis and transparent presentation” in both text and image: the “subjective evocation” [99] of the voyage pittoresque is wholly absent from Usko’s selections for Smyrna, as it is mostly absent from his own private library. But it is also important to observe that all his choices have an extremely close relationship to the place where they will eventually be read . They are all carefully chosen to guide the readers both in textual and in visual form through geographical areas and landscapes they either find themselves currently in; ones they might have just visited; or others which might be the next stop of their voyage when they set out from Smyrna. To remember Usko’s words from his letter to the Palestine Association, the books in the Factory Library are “requisite for further researches”; and to recall his words in the letter to the Council of the Levant Company, “their interest and the importance of what they contain will be increased” by reading them in Smyrna.

7.11 
We may conclude that in trying to build a Smyrna library that would be of use to residents and travelers alike, Usko is ultimately trying to build a haven for people like himself: newcomers to the city, long-term residents in the Levant, potential explorers of the adjacent territories. In his continuous efforts to bring to Smyrna a core collection of scholarly books that will “instruct” the Levantine factor, “interest” the already “instructed traveller” and aid a scholar’s “further researches”, he is ultimately trying to create the context that he would have ideally found when he first arrived in the city more than twenty years earlier. The Factory Library becomes a home away from home; so does his own private collection of books, which has its foundations in Prussia of the late 18th century, travels with him to the Ottoman Empire, is enriched by books bequeathed to him by his friend and mentor Bernard Keun (the same books that fired Koraes’ desire to study in Europe) and finally ends in a “rambling rectory”, in the English county of Essex, overflowing with “books in German and French and English”. Patrick Leigh Fermor was not the only traveller who recorded his sense of relief, delight and gratitude for the presence of such loci . Leafing through Joseph Pitton de Tournefort’s celebrated Voyage to the Levant (1718)—one of the travel books that Usko underlined as “most necessary” for his ideal Smyrna Library, and one of the books that we also find in his own shelves (lot 808)—we come upon a passage which describes the author’s sojourn in the house of Mr. Royer, French consul in Smyrna. Predating Leigh Fermor by about 200 years, Tournefort writes:
We … rested ourselves some days at M. Royer’s, where we found every thing we could wish for, to make amends for what we had undergone in such long journeys; that is to say, abundance of Good cheer, charming conversation, all the Gazettes, and a Library.[100]


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Footnotes


Note 1
Robert Burton, The Anatomy of Melancholy, What it is, with al the kindes, causes, symptomes, prognostickes, and severall cures of it. … (Oxford: Henry Cripps, 1621) 351.


Note 2
“Sales by Auction.” The Times [London, England] 18 Mar. 1842: 8. The Times Digital Archive. Web. 17 May 2014.


Note 3
Edmund Hodgson (firm), Divinity and Oriental Literature. A Catalogue of the Valuable Library of the Rev. John Frederick Usko, Rector of Orsett, Essex, and formerly Chaplain at Smyrna, deceased (London: Printed by Rayner and Hodges, 1842).


Note 4
The Essex Standard, and General Advertiser for the Eastern Counties , Friday, January 21, 1842; p. [1] ; Issue 578. On English household auctions and auction catalogues, see Cynthia Wall, The Prose of Things. Transformations of Description in the Eighteenth Century (Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press, 2006) 166-176.


Note 5
Thomas Wright, The Use of the Globes , 1740, qtd. in Miles Ogborn & Charles W. J. Withers, eds., Georgian geographies: Essays on space, place and landscape in the eighteenth century (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2004) 17. Usko’s library includes another popular manual on the use of the globes, Daniel Fenning’s A New and Easy Guide to the Use of the Globes and the Rudiments of Geography (London: J. Hodges, 1754), (lot 121). Here, and throughout this paper, all the items from Usko’s collection are indicated with the number of the lot at auction placed in parentheses.


Note 6
John F. Usko, A Brief Narrative of the Travels and Literary Life of the Reverend John F. Usko, Chaplain to the Factory at Smyrna … and now Resident in London. Written by Himself (London: Luke Hansard and Sons, 1808) 12, 8, 14, 9, 20.


Note 7
Usko, 23-24, 20-21.


Note 8
Usko,13, 18, 16, 11, 20.


Note 9
E. G. Marindin, ed., The Letters of B. S. Morritt of Rokeby, descriptive of Journeys in Europe and Asia Minor in the Year 1794-1796 (London: John Murray, 1914) 289-290.


Note 10
Biographical details about Usko’s life up to 1807 are given by him in his Narrative . For a brief outline of the period after 1807, see his obituary, “Rev. John F. Usko,” The Gentleman's Magazine April 1842: 439-440.


Note 11
Manfred Kuehn, Kant: A Biography (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001) chs. 5-6.


Note 12
See Usko, 6-7; Eduard Schnaase, Geschichte der evangelischen Kirche Danzigs (Danzig: Theodor Bertling, 1863) 675-682; Malte Fuhrmann, Der Traum von Deutschen Orient: Zwei deutsche Kolonien im Osmanischen Reich 1851-1918 (Frankfurt am Main: Campus, 2006) 401; J. W. Samberg, De hollandsche gereformeerde gemmente te Smirna: de geschiedenis eener handelskerk (Leiden: Eduard Ijdo, 1928) 201.


Note 13
Usko, 18; Ulrich Jasper Seetzen, “Fortsetzung der Reise-Nachrichten,” Monatliche Correspondenz zur Beförderung der Erd- und Himmels -Kunde 8 (1803) 489-493: 492; Anon., “Nachricht von einigen merkwürdigen Reisenden, die 1798 in Berlin waren,” Neue Berlinische Monatsschrift 1 (1799) 232-244: 238; Friedrich Münter, Antiquarische Abhandlungen (Kopenhagen: J. H. Schubothe, 1816)122-123.


Note 14
Jacob Ludwig Salomon Bartholdy, Voyage en Grèce, fait dans les années 1803 et 1804 Par J.L.S. Bartholdy. Traduit de l’ Allemand par A. du C.*** , vol. 2 (Paris: Dentu, 1807) 85.


Note 15
Robert Hodgson, The Life of the Right Reverend Beilby Porteus, D. D. Late Bishop of London , 4th ed., (London, T. Cadwell and W. Davies, 1813) 233-235.


Note 16
Il Nuovo Testamento del nostro Signore Gesu Christo (Londra: Nella Stamperia de’ Henney e Haddon, 1808). On this translation, see T. H. Darlow and H. F. Moule, Historical Catalogue of the Printed Editions of Holy Scripture in the Library of the British and Foreign Bible Society . In two volumes. Vol. II-Polyglots and Languages other than English (London: The Bible House, 1911) 816 (cat. no. 5611).


Note 17
Η Καινή Διαθήκη του Κυρίου και Σωτήρος ημών Ιησού Χριστού Δίγλωττος. Tουτ’ έστι Tο Θείον Αρχέτυπον και η αυτού Mετάφρασις Eις Kοινήν Διάλεκτον. Mετά πολλής επιμελείας διορθωθέντα, και νεωστί μετατυπωθέντα (Εν Χελσέα. Εξετυπώθη παρ’ Ιωάννου Τιλλίγγου, 1810). On this edition, see Φίλιππος Ηλιού, Ελληνική Βιβλιογραφία του 19ου αιώνα, Τόμος A’, 1800-1818 (Αθήνα: Μουσείο Μπενάκη & Ε.Λ.Ι.Α/Μ.Ι.Ε.Τ, 2011) cat. no. 1810.26. See also John Owen, The History of the Origin and First Ten Years of the British and Foreign Bible Society (London: Tilling and Hughes, 1816) 391-394; and Darlow and Moule, 681 (cat. no. 4963).


Note 18
Judith Hawley, ‘Smith, Elizabeth (1776–1806)’, rev. Oxford Dictionary of National Biography , Oxford University Press, 2004 [http://0-www.oxforddnb.com.catalogue.ulrls.lon.ac.uk/view/article/37978, accessed 17 May 2014]


Note 19
The auction catalogue lists a total of 70 guidebooks to various British and European cities (see lots 1, 32, 35, 45, 46, 55, 163, 164, 365, 535, 619, 665, 668, 686, 715, 721, 989, 1043, 1622, 1652) and makes reference to numerous other guidebooks, which are not listed individually.


Note 20
See n. 6, above. Usko also mentions his travels up to 1798 in his Predigt über Ephes. 5, v. 20 am Sonntage Cantate in der H. Dreyfaltigkeits-Kirche, gehalten von Johann Friedrich Usko, Pastor der Deutsch-Evangelisch-Lutherischen Gemeine in Smyrna (Danzig: J.E.F. Müller, 1799) 23-26 (lot 1038).


Note 21
For a discussion of the Narrative and issues of its production, use and dissemination, see Μαρία Κωσταρίδου , “ Η Μετάβαση του πάστορα Johann Friedrich Usko στη Βρετανία: ταξιδιωτική γραμματεία και Οριενταλισμός, ” Ταξίδι, Γραφή, Αναπαράσταση: Μελέτες για τον 18ο αιώνα . Ilia Chatzipanagioti-Sangmeister, ed., ( Αθήνα: Πανεπιστημιακές Εκδόσεις Κρήτης , forthcoming).


Note 22
Walter Benjamin, “Unpacking my Library. A Talk about Book Collecting,” Illuminations . Edited and with an Introduction by Hannah Arendt. Translated by Harry Zohn (New York: Schocken Books, 1988) 63-64.


Note 23
On Hodgson, see One Hundred Years of Book Auctions 1807-1907. Being a Brief Record of the Firm of Hodgson and Co . (London: Chiswick Press, 1908).


Note 24
On book auctions and catalogues, see the papers collected in Robin Myers and Michael Harris, eds., Property of a Gentleman: The formation, organisation and dispersal of the private library 1620-1920 (Winchester: St. Paul’s Bibliographies, 1991); Robin Myers, Michael Harris, Charles Mandlebrote, eds., Under the Hammer: Book Auctions since the seventeenth century (New Castle: Oak Knoll Press; London: The British Library, 2001) and James Raven, The Business of Books: Booksellers and the English Book Trade 1450-1850 (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2007).


Note 25
Usko, 11, 18.


Note 26
See Arthur Warda, “Aus dem Leben des Pfarrers Christian Friedrich Puttlich,” Altpreussische Motatsschrift … Herausgegeben von Rudolf Reicke 42 (1905): 253-304 and Sabina Laetitia Kowalewski/Werner Stark, eds., Königsberger Kantiana. Immanuel Kant. Werke: Volksausgabe Bd. 1/hrsg. Von Arnold Kowalewski (Hamburg: F. Meiner, 2000) 30.


Note 27
“Bücher zu verkaufen,” Intelligenzblatt der Allgemeinen Literatur-Zeitung vom Jahre 1799 16 Feb. 1799: 143-144.


Note 28
Warda, 274, n. 1 (“Er schrieb … dass er nächstens nach Arabien gehen würde um seine grosse Begierde Arabische handschriften aufzusuchen befriedigen können.”). Unless otherwise stated, throughout this paper translations from languages other than English are my own.


Note 29
« Ευρέθη κατά τύχη μεταξύ των βιβλίων του πάππου μου η μετατυπωθείσα (1707) εις Αστελόδαμον έκδοσις του Στράβωνος από τον Κασαβώνα … τοιαύται εκδόσεις εις την Σμύρνην τότε ήσαν από τα ανήκουστα .» Αδαμάντιος Κοραής, Βίος Αδαμαντίου Κοραή συγγραφείς παρά του ιδίου (Εν Παρισίοις: Εκ της τυπογραφίας Κ. Εβεράρτου, 1833) 11-12.


Note 30
The original letters are now presumed lost. They had survived, however, until the mid-19th century, and selected extracts were published in Schnaase, 675-682.


Note 31
Schnaase, 679-680.


Note 32
“doch will er darüber nicht klagen, wenn man ihn nur mit wissenschaftlichen Schriften versehen wollte” Schnaase, 680.


Note 33
Schnaase, 681.


Note 34
Otto Friedrich Bollnow, “Basedow, Johann Bernhard,” Neue Deutsche Biographie 1 (1953), 618 ff. [Onlinefassung] ; URL: http://www.deutsche-biographie.de/pnd118653377.html


Note 35
Gottfried Hausmann, “Campe, Joachim Heinrich” in: Neue Deutsche Biographie 3 (1957), 110-111 [Onlinefassung] ; URL: http://www.deutsche-biographie.de/pnd118518658.html


Note 36
Jacob Minor, “Weiße, Christian Felix” in: Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie (1896), 587-590 [Onlinefassung] ; URL: http://www.deutsche-biographie.de/pnd118630563.html?anchor=adb


Note 37
von Binder, “Raff, Georg Christian” in: Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie (1888), 158-159 [Onlinefassung] ; URL: http://www.deutsche-biographie.de/pnd116323892.html?anchor=adb


Note 38
G. Felicitas Munzel, “Kant, Hegel, and the Rise of Pedagogical Science,” A Companion to the Philosophy of Education , ed. Randall Curren (Blackwell, 2003) 118-119.


Note 39
Έφριξα όταν εκατάλαβα, πόσα βοηθήματα μ’ έλειπαν ακόμη δια να καταλαμβάνω με πληροφορίαν τους ελληνικούς συγγραφείς […] Μόνην παρηγορίαν εύρισκα το νέον ακόμη της ηλικίας, ήτις μ’ εσυγχώρει να ανοικοδομήσω οπωσούν την κακοκτισμένην σοφία μου. Αλλά εις πόλιν, αν και μεγαλόπολιν οποία ήτον η Σμύρνη τότε, έλειπαν τα μέσα τοιαύτης ανοικοδομής.» Κοραής, 10.


Note 40
“Ι εράτευε τότε εις τον ναΐσκον του προξένου (consul) των Ολλανδών ανήρ σοφός, σεβάσμιος και σεβαστός, Βερνάρδος Κεύνος (Bernhard Keun). ... Η προς εμέ του εύνοια ηύξησε τόσον, ώστε να με προσκαλή να τον συνοδεύω εις τους μετά το γεύμα περιπάτους, να με διδάσκη πάντοτε δια ζώσης φωνής όσα εγνώριζε χρήσιμα εις την ευδαιμονίαν μου, να με δανείζει Λατίνους ενδόξους συγγραφείς, και τέλος να μ’ αφίνη μόνον εις την βιβλιοθήκην του, οσάκις ηναγκάζετο να διατρίβη έξω της κατοικίας του ” Κοραής , 13-14. On Keun and Koraes, see briefly Dirk Christiaan Hesseling, “Korais et ses amis hollandais,” Εις Μνήμην Σπυρίδωνος Λάμπρου (Αθήνα: n.p., 1935), 1-6; Ν. Κ. Χ. Κωστής, “Βερνάρδος Keun και Κοραής,” Παρνασσός 16 (1894): 601-612 and Ν. Κ. Χ. Κωστής, “Συμπληρωτικά τινά περί Βερνάρδου Keun και Κοραή,” Αρμονία 12 (1900): 729-741.


Note 41
Schnaase, 681.


Note 42
Usko, 8.


Note 43
Leopold Bertchold, An Essay to Direct and Extend the Inquiries of Patriotic Travellers (London, 1789) 1.


Note 44
See Justin Stagl, A History of Curiosity. The Theory of Travel 1550-1800 (Chur: Switzerland; Reading: Harwood Academic, 1995). On Bertchold and The Patriotic traveller in particular, see pp. 215-231.


Note 45
Stagl, Curiosity , 51.


Note 46
See Justin Stagl, “The Methodising of Travel in the sixteenth century,” History and Anthropology 4 (1990): 308-338 and J. P. Rubies, “Instructions to Travellers: Teaching the Eye to See,” History and Anthropology 9, (1996): 139-190.


Note 47
Thomas Palmer, An Essay of the Means how to make our Traveiles, into forraine Countries, the more profitable and honourable (London: Mathew Lownes, 1606) 37.


Note 48
Edward Leigh, The Gentleman’s Guide, in three discourses. First of Travel, or a Guide for travelers in foreign parts. Secondly, of Money or coins. Thirdly, of Measuring the distance between place and place . (London: n.p., 1680) 26.


Note 49
Francis Bacon, “On Travel,” The Essays, or Counsels, Civil and Moral, of Sir Francis Bacon (London: Printed for H. Herringman, T. Chiswell, T. Sawbridge and R. Bentley, [1691] ), 63.


Note 51
Palestine Association, Proposals. It is proposed to establish a Society for the purpose of promoting the knowledge of the geography, natural history, and antiquities of Palestine and its vicinity, with a view to the illustration of the Holy Writings (London: n.p., 1805) 8.


Note 52
On the Palestine Association see Ruth Kark and Haim Goren, “Pioneering British Exploration and Scriptural Geography: The Syrian Society/The Palestine Association,” The Geographical Journal , 177:3 (2011): 264-274.


Note 53
Palestine Association, 5-8.


Note 54
Palestine Association, 7-11.


Note 55
Usko, “Letter to the Palestine Association,” f. 1v.


Note 56
Usko, “Letter,” f. 1r.


Note 57
Usko, “Letter,” f. 1v.


Note 58
Edward Robinson, Eli Smith et. al., Biblical Researches in Palestine and the Adjacent Regions: a Journal of Travels in the Years 1838 & 1852 . 2nd ed., vol. 2 (London: John Murray, 1856) 533.


Note 59
Leonora Navari, Greece and the Levant: The Catalogue of Henry Myron Blackmer Collection (London: Maggs, 1989) cat. no. 7; Titus Tobler, Bibliographia Geographica Palaestinae. Kritische Uebersicht gedruckter und ungedruckter Beschreibungen der Reisen ins Heilige Land (Leipzig: S. Hirzel, 1867) 209-210; Eran Laor, Maps of the Holy Land. Carto-bibliography of Printed Maps , 1475-1900 (New York: A. R. Liss, c. 1986):173.


Note 60
Γ. Τόλιας , ed., Ιστορία της Χαρτογραφίας του Ελληνικού Χώρου, 1420-1800. Χάρτες της Συλλογής Μαργαρίτας Σαμούρκα. Σύνταξη Καταλόγου Λεονόρα Ναβάρι ( Αθήνα : Ι.Ν.Ε./Ε.Ε.Ε., 2008) 459.


Note 61
Laor, 178.


Note 62
Laor, 180.


Note 63
Augustine Antoine Calmet, Dictionaire Historique, Critique, Chronologique … de Bible , 4 vols. (Paris, 1720-1724), (lot 207).


Note 64
Laor, 188.


Note 65
Stagl, Curiosity , 270. On Michaelis, see also Suzanne L. Marchand, German Orientalism in the Age of Empire. Religion, Race and Scholarship (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009) 39-43.


Note 66
Navari, Blackmer , cat. no., 1406.


Note 67
Leonora Navari, Manuscripts and Rare Books 15th-18th century. From the Collections of the Bank of Cyprus Cultural Foundation . Nicosia: Bank of Cyprus Cultural Foundation, 2010, cat. no. 146; on Bochart see Zur Shalev, Sacred Words and Worlds: Geography, Religion and Scholarship, 1550-1700 (Leiden; Boston: Brill, 2012) ch. 4.


Note 68
Robertson, 554.


Note 69
Navari, Blackmer , cat. no.1533; Laor, 186; Robertson, 547.


Note 70
Samberg, 177. With many thanks to Dr. Ben Slot for pointing me to this reference.


Note 71
Patrick Leigh Fermor, A Time of Gifts (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1977) 252-254.


Note 72
The original document is kept in the Records of the Levant Company, now at the National Archives, London (SP105/130, Copies of Incoming Letters, 1805-1806, ff. 127-131v). It was published, with an introductory essay, by Richard Clogg, “The Library of the Levant Company’s Factory in Smyrna (1805)” Ο Ερανιστής. Νεοελληνικός Διαφωτισμός. Αφιέρωμα στον Κ. Θ. Δημαρά 11 (1974) 112-124. All quotations are from this article.


Note 73
Clogg, 115.


Note 74
Clogg, 116.


Note 75
Clogg, 117. La Sainte Bible, qui contenient le Vieux et le Nouveau Testament, c’ est à dire l’ Ancienne et la Nouvelle Alliance. Revuë et corrigée sur le texte hébreu & grec par les pasteurs & les professeurs de l’ Eglise des Geneve. Avec les Arguments et les Reflexions sur les chapitres de l’ Ecriture Sainte & des notes. … Par J. F. Osterwald. Nouvelle edition, revue, corrigée et augmentée (A Lausanne: Jean Zimmerli, 1764) and subsequent editions, 1771, 1772 (lot 1065).


Note 76
The Koran Commonly called The Alcoran of Mohammed, Translated into English immediately from the Original Arabic; with Explanatory Notes, taken from the most approved Commentators. To which is prefixed A Preliminary Discourse. By George Sale ([London]: Top of FoPublished by C. Ackers for J. Wilcox, 1734), (lot 1482).


Note 77
Clogg, 120.


Note 78
Clogg, 116.


Note 79
Παυσανίου της Ελλάδος Περιήγησις . Hoc est, Pausaniae Graeciae Descriptio Accurata, …cum Latina Romuli Amasaei Interpretatione. Accesserunt Gvl. Xylandri & Frid. Sylbyrgii Annotationes, ac Novae Notae Ioachimi Kuhnii ( Lipsiae: Apud Thomas Fritsch, 1696). See also Navari, Blackmer cat. no., 1273.


Note 80
Clogg, 123. Παυσανίου της Ελλάδος Περιήγησις, hoc est, Pausaniae accurate Graeciae Descriptio … a Guilielmo Xylandro Augustano diligenter recognita … Accesserunt annotationes … nunc vero a Frid. Sylb. Continuate … (Frankfurt: Andreas Wechel, 1583). On the editions of Xylander and Kuhn, see Celine Guilmet, “The Dissemination of the Periegesis in Print, 16th-17th Centuries,” Following Pausanias: The Quest for Greek Antiquity , Maria Georgopoulou, Celine Guilmet, Yanis A. Pikoulas, Konstantinos Sp. Staikos, George Tolias, eds. (Athens: Kotinos; New Castle, Del.: Oak Knoll Press, 2007) 91.


Note 81
Charles Taylor, The Description of Greece, by Pausanias. Translated from the Greek. With notes, in which much of the Mythology of the Greeks is unfolded from a Theory which has been for many Ages unknown. And illustrated with Maps and Views Elegantly engraved. In three volumes (London: Printed for R. Faulder, 1794).


Note 82
See Celine Guilmet “Editions of Pausanias (1792-1889),” Following Pausanias , 177.


Note 83
Η του Ηροδότου Αλικαρνασσέως Ιστορία. Herodoti Halicarnaseensis Historia. Ex Editionis Jacobi Gronovii (Glasgow: Foulis, 1759-1671), (lot 1442).


Note 84
The History of Herodotus. Translated from the Greek. With Notes. By the Reverend William Beloe. In four volumes (London: Printed for Leigh and Sotheby, 1791).


Note 85
James Rennell, The Geographical System of Herodotus, Examined; and Explained, by a Comparison with those of Other Ancient Authors, and with Modern Geography … The whole explained by eleven maps … (London: n.p., 1800). See also The History of Herodotus, translated from the Greek, with Notes, by the Reverend William Beloe. The Second Edition, Corrected and Revised (London: Luke Hansard, 1806) v.


Note 86
J. Lempriere, The Bibliotheca Classica, or a classical dictionary of proper names mentioned in classical authors … Third edition, greatly enlarged (London: T. Cadell and W. Davies, 1797).


Note 87
Charles Pye, A New Dictionary of Ancient Geography, exhibiting the Modern in Addition to the Ancient Names of Places. Designed for the Use of Schools, and of those who are reading the classics or other ancient authors, By Charles Pye (London: Printed for T. Longman and O. Rees, Paternoster-Row, 1803).


Note 88
A Complete Body of Ancient Geography. By Mons. D’ Anville, Member of the Royal Academy of Belles-Lettres, of the Academy of Sciences at Petersburg, and Secretary to the Great Duke of Orleans. In thirteen Plates … The whole materially improved by inserting the modern names of the places under the antient (London: Robert Laurie and James Whittle, 1803). On the first edition of this work, see Navari, Blackmer , cat. no., 41 (note).


Note 89
Olga Augustinos, French Odysseys: Greece in French Travel Literature from the Renaissance to the Romantic Era (Baltimore and London: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1994) 38.


Note 90
Voyage Littéraire de la Grèce, Ou Lettres Sur Les Greces, Anciens et Modernes, Avec un Parallele de leurs mouers… Paris: chez la Veuve Duchesne, 1771; 2 1776. On Guys, see Augustinos, 148; lIlia Chatzipanagioti-Sangmeister, Griechenland, Zypern, Balkan und Levante. Eine kommentierte Bibliographie des Reiseliteratur des 18. Jahrhunderts (Eutin: Lumpeter & Lasel, 2006) cat. nos. 385-392; Navari, Blackmer cat. no., 769 (note).


Note 91
A Survey of the Turkish Empire. … By W. Eton Esq.; Many Years Resident in Turkey and in Russia . London: Printed for T. Cadell, jun. and W. Davies, in the Strand. On Eton, see Navari, Blackmer , cat. no. 558 and Chatzipanagioti-Sangmeister, op. cit., cat. nos. 312-320.


Note 92
Constantinople Ancient and Modern, with excursions to the Shores and Islands of the Archipelago and to the Troad. By James Dallaway, M.B. F.S.A. late Chaplain and Physician of the British Embassy to the Porte . London: Printed by T. Bensley, for T. Cadell & W. Davies, in the Strand, 1797. On Dallaway see Navari, Blackmer cat. no, 441 and Chatzipanagioti-Sangmeister, op. cit., cat. nos. 269-274.


Note 93
William St. Clair. That Greece might still be free: the Philhellenes in the War of Independence. New edition, with an introduction by Roderick Beaton . Cambridge: New Book, c. 2008, p. 379.


Note 94
Ionian Antiquities. Published, with Permission of The Society of Dilettanti , 2 vols (London 1769-1797). On the publishing history of this work, see Navari, Blackmer , cat. no. 1566.


Note 95
Inscriptiones Antiquae, Pleraeque nondum editae: in Asia Minori et Graecia … Ediditque Ricardus Chandler … (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1774). See Navari, Blackmer, cat. no. 317.


Note 96
The Antiquities of Athens Measured and Delineated by James Stuart F.R.S. and F.S.A. and Nicholas Revett, Painters and Architects . (London, 1762-1787) See Navari, Blackmer, cat. no. 1617.


Note 97
Travels in Egypt and Nubia. By Frederick Lewis Norden, F.R.S. Captain of the Danish Navy. Translated by the original … and enlarged with observations from ancient and modern authors, that have written on the antiquities of Egypt, by Dr. Peter Templeman (London: Printed for Lockyer Davis and Charles Reymers, 1757). See also Navari, Blackmer , cat. no. 1211.


Note 98
Voyage dans la basse et la haute Égypte pendant les campagnes du Général Bonaparte. Par Vivant Denon (A Paris: De l’ imprimerie de P. Didot L’ Aine, 1802). See also Navari, Blackmer , cat. no. 471.


Note 99
Bruce Redford, Dilettanti. The Antic and the Antique in Eighteenth-Century England (Los Angeles: The J. Paul Getty Museum; The Getty Research Institute, 2008) 11, 44, 11.


Note 100
Joseph Pitton de Tournefort, Voyage to the Levant (London: Printed for D. Browne, 1718) 337.